FAKE news and misinformation are clear threats to the public. By feeding people outright lies, the public is being led further away from the truth that they deserve to know.
This would potentially have adverse effects on our legislators creating policies for the benefit of Filipinos. An example of this involves Northern Davao Electric Cooperative's desperate fight to keep its franchise.
In desperation, Nordeco is now spewing arguments not based on reality. For example, during a hearing held by the House committee on legislative franchises, the electric cooperative claimed that the termination of its franchise in favor of Davao Light and Power Co. would lead to consumers paying P0.30 per kilowatt-hour more in their electricity bills.
But how can that be the case if a competitive bidding process takes place? Under a proposed bill filed with the lower chamber, Davao Light will conduct a bidding process for generators that would provide power to its new service areas. Since there will be competition on who can provide the lowest rates to Davao Light, how can Nordeco claim that price hikes would loom?
In addition, it's quite ironic for Nordeco to cry about so-called price hikes when, right now, it charges more compared to Davao Light. As of September 2024, Nordeco consumers pay 12.008/kWh in their electricity bills, compared to P9.47/kWh that Davao Light consumers spend.
As a matter of fact, these are not the only outright lies being spread by Nordeco. Other outlandish claims that have been made include the bill purportedly violating the Constitution and the Civil Code and encroaching on the powers of the primary regulator in the energy sector, the Energy Regulatory Commission. Rightly so, House members are increasingly getting tired of Nordeco's antics.
As aptly put by Puwersa ng Bayaning Atleta representative Margarita Nograles during a House hearing:
"Ang totoong tanong dito: Masaya ba ang mga taong nasa ilalim niyo? Na pinoprovide niyo? Hindi!"
Indeed, the biggest victim of Nordeco's outright lies is its consumers — the same consumers who deserve freedom from high electricity prices, consistent power outages, and an electric cooperative that does not care about solving long-running existing problems.
CPP get-out-of-jail card
The recent arrest of Porferio Tuna Jr., a former NDFP (National Democratic Front of the Philippines) consultant during the 2016 peace talks, and the potential revival of formal negotiations between the government and the NDFP have brought renewed attention not only to the peace process but also to a long-standing CPP tactic aimed at rescuing their prominent leaders from incarceration. Twice arrested, Tuna Jr., also known as Ka Ampong to his close comrades and Ka Simon Santiago to the media, is a prominent CPP regional cadre in Southern Mindanao.
Over the years, the peace process has become a convenient mechanism for the CPP-NPA-NDFP to liberate their imprisoned cadres. This ploy, essentially a ticket-to-freedom racket, allows top communist leaders to use their involvement in peace negotiations as a way to secure release from jail — often with little to no intention of returning to custody if talks break down.
First arrested in October 2015, Tuna Jr. was slapped with at least six criminal cases, including murder and serious illegal detention. His odds of being released seemed unlikely, with multiple charges stacked heavily against him. However, in 2016, the tides shifted for Tuna Jr. and 21 other detained CPP-NPA-NDFP members when they exploited a familiar escape route. Using the peace negotiations as a pretext, they secured temporary liberty under the guise of being "consultants" for the peace talks in Oslo, Norway. Before he knew it, Tuna went from being jailed to jet-setting across international borders, thanks to this strategic ploy.
Political playbook
The CPP-NPA-NDFP's involvement in peace negotiations dates back decades, but what has become clear over time is how these peace talks are used as a strategy to rescue their top leaders. It began with Jose Maria Sison himself, who, in the mid-1980s, took advantage of then-president Corazon Aquino's offer of amnesty in the aftermath of the first EDSA people power uprising. Joma was able to leave for Europe under the guise of participating in "international engagements." When the Aquino administration didn't turn out as advertised, CNN went to war again. Meanwhile, Sison, safely settled in Europe, continued guiding the communist movement from a distance, far removed from the renewed violence in the Philippines.
In 2016, 22 detained communist leaders were temporarily released under the pretext of participating in the negotiations in Oslo, Norway. They were either declared consultants or given documents of identification (DI), a privilege supposedly offered under the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (Jasig), which protects those involved in the peace talks.
Among these so-called consultants was Tuna Jr., who, after being granted bail, was expected to surrender himself back to authorities if the peace talks collapsed. However, like most of his peers, Tuna Jr. took full advantage of his temporary liberty. When the talks broke down in early 2017, nearly all 22 released consultants refused to voluntarily return to jail, and many, including Tuna Jr., went back underground.
Several surrendered ranking cadres across the country have revealed that the upper echelon of the communist leadership enjoys the perk of being declared consultants if arrested, regardless of whether they possess genuine documents of identification. One former cadre, who was declared a consultant upon his arrest in 2016, admitted being surprised to learn of his designation as an NDFP consultant.
These are not isolated incidents; they form a pattern of a sinister kind. Many of these "consultants" simply returned to the mountains to resume their insurgent activities, several of whom were re-arrested or killed in combat in the intervening years. Tuna Jr.'s former comrades in Southern Mindanao, Eduardo Genelsa and Ariel Arbitrario, faced polar opposite fates: the former surrendered in 2020 and is now living out his retirement, while the latter was killed in an armed encounter two weeks ago.
Wise up
Far from being solely a peace-building effort, the CPP, by its own admission, uses peace negotiations to advance its own strategic goals. During past talks, such as in 2016, the communist terrorist groups (CTG) did not halt their military operations. The temporary lull in government offensives only allowed them to regroup, rearm, revisit their bases, and reach expansion areas.
Despite the government's good faith in initiating peace talks, the CPP-NPA-NDFP's well-documented history of exploiting these negotiations to rescue imprisoned leaders remains a concern. Many of these so-called negotiators have been repeatedly arrested for their involvement in violent activities, including extortion, ambushes and kidnappings. Executive Order 70, which adopts a whole-of-nation approach to counter-insurgency, recognized this tactic as part of the CPP's strategy to manipulate the legal framework to its advantage.
The government must ensure that any forthcoming peace negotiations do not become another opportunity for the CPP-NPA-NDFP to secure the release of their incarcerated leaders. These talks should center on genuine peace-building and accountability, not serve as a vehicle for furthering insurgency goals.
As the Philippine government considers reviving peace talks, it is crucial that the government, judiciary and security forces recall the lessons of the past. While peace is a noble pursuit, we must not be hoodwinked again, as the CTG will likely attempt to play the "ticket-out-of-jail" card for their imprisoned leaders once again.